This text is an on-site model of our Swamp Notes e-newsletter. Premium subscribers can enroll right here to get the e-newsletter delivered each Monday and Friday. Normal subscribers can improve to Premium right here, or discover all FT newsletters
A be aware to readers: Edward Luce’s Swamp Notice will seem on Monday. Rana Foroohar is away.
What a distinction a couple of weeks could make. It’s onerous to overstate how gloomy America’s conventional allies in Europe had been in mid-July when Donald Trump’s marketing campaign was so clearly ascendant. Officers throughout western Europe and in east Asia had been frantically planning for the implications of a second Trump time period. Most had been, by and huge, calculating how finest to impress him. “There was a way of Trump inevitability creeping into European overseas ministry discussions,” one European aide informed me this week. “Some officers had been even saying ‘when Trump involves energy . . .’”
A lot of the considering sounded, frankly, craven, if not supplicatory. The view was that Trump needed to be appeased and flattered to entice him into remembering the worth of conventional companions. Outwardly, allies talked of working collectively for a standard coverage. Privately, in fact, each particular person state was understanding how finest to pursue their very own pursuits.
One new Democratic candidate later, it’s exceptional what number of European officers that I’ve spoken with are swooning over the thought of a Kamala Harris presidency. They seem to have overlooked the truth that there are nonetheless almost three months’ onerous slog to go. However for now, rightly, there’s a new query on the minds of America’s allies: how would a Kamala Harris presidency change — if in any respect — America’s method to the world?
In relation to alliances, there may be an assumption {that a} Harris administration would comply with the lead of Joe Biden, who has made nurturing these relationships a key plank of his overseas coverage, particularly in east Asia. European officers are particularly heartened by the presence of the veteran trans-Atlanticist Philip Gordon in her crew. “Each cycle there are these prophecies that the trans-Atlanticists are a dying breed after which one other one comes alongside,” says one delighted European official. “He’s precisely what each European would have needed.”
Each America and Britain — and different components of Europe — have lurched in lockstep in a populist course lately. 4 months after Britain voted to depart the EU, America voted in Trump and the very foundations of the post-cold struggle liberal world order appeared in danger. But now, Europe’s leaders — aside from Serbia’s and Hungary’s — whereas deeply petrified of a Trump second time period, are daring to hope the wind could possibly be blowing the opposite approach.
Officers in Sir Keir Starmer’s new, centre-left UK authorities have inevitably been making all the fitting diplomatic noises about working with whoever wins in November. To be truthful, ideological mind-melds between the Oval Workplace and Quantity 10 will not be important for a detailed US-UK relationship. I recall working as a overseas correspondent in Washington when the conservative Republican George W Bush was within the White Home and a seemingly star-struck Tony Blair gave the impression to be continually hopping backwards and forwards to see him.
Whereas it’s clear {that a} Harris victory can be a dream come true for many of Europe, there may be uncertainty over what extent Harris will proceed with the financial nationalism espoused by Biden’s Nationwide Safety Advisor Jake Sullivan. Rebecca Lissner, Harris’s deputy nationwide safety adviser, should certainly have seen a spike in her creator royalty funds; diplomats are spending their summer season breaks studying her newest e-book for perception into her view of the world.
However there’s a assured expectation in Europe {that a} change from Biden to Harris wouldn’t be a paradigm shift and that the majority insurance policies would keep the identical, albeit possibly with a slight tilt to the left. There’s additionally a way {that a} Harris administration can be assiduous in attempting to shore up relationships with the worldwide south. (To be clear Swampians, I’m a agency believer within the time period, for all its geographic and ideological fuzziness. And for what it’s value, after years working in Africa, I feel America has casually misplaced ethical, political and financial clout there, which it might regain.)
I recognize that the Democratic Conference in Chicago just isn’t concerning the worldwide viewers. However I for one am hoping that a few of these points will probably be slightly clearer by the tip of subsequent week. Peter you’ve written about America and its stance on the world for years. You too lined George W Bush. What’s your sense of the overarching philosophy of a putative Harris administration? And is there a danger that, as has occurred so many instances earlier than, the world assumes one factor a couple of potential presidency after which — if it involves cross — the course of occasions blows all earlier assumptions out of the water?
Really useful studying
-
Within the spirit of reaching out throughout the aisle . . . my lengthy learn of the week was in The Wall Avenue Journal, which printed an extraordinary account of the blowing up of the Nord Stream pipeline. You’ll feast on the small print.
-
The story of the week for me has been Ukraine’s incursion into Russia. It’s nonetheless too early to know in fact if this may assist to alter the course of the struggle, but it surely has been an enormous morale increase for Ukraine — and humiliating for Russia’s President Vladimir Putin. Who higher to analyse this than Professor Lawrence Freedman?
-
And at last, with regards to autocrats, I’ve written a column on how autocracies endure — and finish. I somewhat hope that the Kremlin’s FT subscribers learn it and take be aware.
Peter Spiegel responds
Alec, I feel a part of Harris’s attractiveness proper now, each domestically and internationally, is that she’s a tabula rasa: everybody can mission their hopes and goals on to her, and there actually isn’t sufficient of a monitor document to show them unsuitable.
That is significantly the case with regards to Harris’s views on Europe, and overseas coverage extra usually. This isn’t to say she’s inexperienced; as a sitting vice-president, she has been within the room for the entire Biden White Home’s main international crises, each these dealt with effectively (husbanding a global coalition to assist Ukraine) and never so effectively (the US withdrawal from Afghanistan).
However not like Biden, Harris has left few fingerprints on how she influenced nationwide safety decision-making throughout her tenure as vice-president. Certainly, when the Washington Publish not too long ago tried to delve into her position in Biden’s Afghan withdrawal, it got here up empty-handed — no person appeared to recollect whether or not she suggested something completely different than what the president in the end did, regardless of being within the internal sanctum.
She additionally differs from Biden in that her vice-presidential profession was not preceded by any vital work on overseas affairs. Biden was the senior Democrat on the Senate’s overseas relations committee for greater than a decade earlier than becoming a member of Barack Obama’s ticket, and had turn into a pacesetter within the Dean Acheson “liberal internationalist” wing of the get together.
For analysts, this lack of a monitor document is additional difficult by one thing else you raised, Alec. As a result of Harris has had restricted visibility on the worldwide stage, allies and foes alike need to her shut advisers, similar to Gordon, who’ve served as Harris’s overseas coverage brains throughout her vice-presidency.
Gordon is, as you recommended, probably the most distinguished remaining Atlanticists in Washington. However in a Democratic get together that has divided itself between the old fashioned liberal internationalist camp, which centres round Biden and the Clintons, and a post-Iraq neo-isolationist grouping, which centres round Obama and his ex-White Home coterie, which camp do you place Gordon in? He’s labored with the Bidens for the previous 4 years, however got here to prominence in Washington as one in every of Obama’s earliest overseas coverage aides.
Briefly, I feel your European interlocutors are proper to treat Harris as somebody who will worth treaty alliances much more extremely than Trump did, and that Gordon will add a bit extra European flavour to her outlook than Obama had. However past that, I believe we’ll have to attend for occasions, my expensive boy, occasions.
Your suggestions
And now a phrase from our Swampians . . .
In response to “The which means of Tim Walz”:
“Normally elections, I’ve voted Tory all my life, aside from this 12 months when my vote went to Labour. The Conservative get together moved away from me when it determined to carry the EU referendum after which did not make a sound political case for voting in opposition to the thought.
So, if I used to be an American, I might see the Harris-Walz ticket as a breath of contemporary air. Trump is now uncovered as an previous man who can’t make a severe, coherent stump speech about something that must matter to the good majority of the US citizens and Vance as an entire freak with bizarre concepts. Folks ought to not belief both of them.” — Keith Billinghurst
Your suggestions
We’d love to listen to from you. You possibly can electronic mail the crew on swampnotes@ft.com, contact Alec on alec.russell@ft.com and Peter on peter.spiegel@ft.com, and comply with them on X at @AlecuRussell and @SpiegelPeter. We could function an excerpt of your response within the subsequent e-newsletter
Really useful newsletters for you
US Election Countdown — Cash and politics within the race for the White Home. Enroll right here
The Lex E-newsletter — Lex is the FT’s incisive day by day column on funding. Native and international developments from professional writers in 4 nice monetary centres. Enroll right here